中国式相亲
AI硬件的下一个核心瓶颈在哪里?_我的网站

一 | AI浪潮正在重塑全球劳动力结构,但对科技硬件与半导体行业而言,这场变革带来的是净收益而非冲击——算力需求的持续扩张,正将供给侧的结构性约束推向前台。
追风交易台消息,据摩根士丹利最新发布的AI采用与未来工作调查报告,科技硬件与半导体行业在过去12个月录得约8.6%至8.2%的净生产率提升,同时自身也面临约5%至8%的净岗位净流失。然而,该行分析师明确指出,这一行业是AI浪潮的"净受益者"——既通过内部运营效率改善降低成本,又因外部AI基础设施需求激增而直接受益于芯片及相关设备的订单增长。 (ECNS)-- China's newly implemented Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law has elicited a predictable response from certain Western media outlets. Whenever ethnic unity is referenced, some Western critics rush to frame it as "assimilation" or a push for uniform national identity. Fan Yichou, associate professor at the Law School of Minzu University of China, argues that such misinterpretations arise primarily from projecting Western historical nation-state building trajectories onto China's ethnic policies. Put simply, some Western observers do not view China from the perspective of its domestic social realities, but rather judge it through the lens of their own historical experience. Fan argued that the traditional Western nation-state model rests on a core premise: one ethnic community ought to align with one sovereign state, with political boundaries largely overlapping ethnic territories. To build culturally homogeneous nation-states, most Western powers historically sought to eradicate internal ethnic diversity through assimilation, exclusion, and other coercive measures. Such nation-building drives were often accompanied by territorial conquest, mass population displacement, and systemic violence. He drew on arguments laid out by Canadian political philosopher Will Kymlicka, who observes that the classical European template of nation-building rested on an implicit consensus: states should strive to become culturally homogeneous, by either assimilating national minorities or expelling them. For centuries, this ideal of a mono-national state shaped state policy across almost all Western European countries, with Switzerland stands out as the only major exception. This deep-rooted historical trajectory continues to frame contemporary discourse on ethnic governance. A stark modern illustration emerged in 2025, when Danish local authorities took away the newly-born daughter of an 18-year-old Inuit mother from Greenland just one hour after birth following a controversial parenting competency assessment. Her case was far from isolated. According to reports by the BBC and other media outlets, another Greenlandic mother had all three of her children under state custody. She was first subjected to a so-called parenting competency test after social services raised concerns about the language development of her eldest daughter. Although the Danish government has decided to stop using such tests on Greenlandic families, local authorities have yet to halt the practice. The enduring harm of assimilationist policies extends far beyond this Danish case. UNESCO’s Memory of the World archives document that Canada's Indigenous residential school system continuously operated for nearly 150 years, with the explicit state objective of assimilating Indigenous children into settler society. Generations of Indigenous children were forcibly separated from their families, severed from their ancestral languages, cultural traditions, and intergenerational knowledge systems. The United States has grappled with comparable challenges. According to a 2025 Associated Press report, Native American children in California are roughly about four times more likely to enter the foster-care system than their peers. Newborns separated from their mother shortly after birth. Generations of children torn apart from their families and ancestral languages. Indigenous youth who remain vastly overrepresented in foster-care placements to this day. All these are legacies of the West's long-standing obsession with assimilation. That explains why, when some in the West hear China speak of "ethnic unity," they instinctively equate it with "assimilation." In reality, they are projecting their own social trauma onto China. China's context, however, is fundamentally different. As Fan Yichou notes, China has long been a unified multi-ethnic country. Within the Chinese tradition, political unity has not demanded cultural uniformity. Instead, unity and diversity have coexisted across most of the nation's history. This outlook finds theoretical expression in the concept of plurality-in-unity put forward by renowned Chinese sociologist Fei Xiaotong. In his framework, China's 56 ethnic groups represent the plurality, whereas the Chinese nation embodies unity. From this perspective, the Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law is not designed to eliminate ethnic differences. Instead, it seeks to strengthen a shared sense of belonging while respecting cultural diversity. This distinction highlights a broader divergence between China and the West in approaching identity and social cohesion. In many Western societies, historical assimilation sought to diminish group differences and compel minority groups to conform to dominant-culture norms. By contrast, China's emphasis on forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation is not intended to obliterate diversity. It seeks to build shared civic and national identity, while enabling all ethnic groups to sustain their own languages, customs, and cultural traditions. Ethnic groups may speak different languages, practice different customs, and vary in development level. Yet they can still uphold shared dedication to national progress and a common sense of belonging within a unified multi-ethnic state. Genuine ethnic unity does not require everyone to fit into the same mold. It means ensuring that different ethnic groups can participate in national development while maintaining their own cultural characteristics and thriving with equal dignity and equitable opportunities. So when some in the West equate China's "ethnic unity" with "assimilation," their judgment stems not from an accurate assessment of China’s reality, but from a subconscious projection of their own historical burdens, contemporary social anxieties, and deep-rooted institutional scars onto China's ethnic policies. They are either unwilling or unable to fully comprehend China's governance philosophy and practices, yet arbitrarily pass arrogant judgment on the country. The outcome of this biased approach will be no exception of absurd narratives that fundamentally contradict objective reality.
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摩根士丹利分析师认为,AI模型效率的持续提升将进一步刺激企业加大AI基础设施投入,从而为半导体需求提供持续支撑。下一阶段AI硬件的真正瓶颈将从芯片设计转向能源、电力、数据中心容量及制造产能,这些供给约束或成为AI基础设施扩张的关键限制。
硬件与半导体:AI的"镐与铲"
摩根士丹利报告将科技硬件与半导体行业定性为AI生态中提供"镐与铲"的核心供给方。
调查数据显示,该行业过去12个月净岗位损失约为5%(科技硬件)和8%(半导体),但这一数字并不代表行业受损——裁员主要集中在早期阶段,且整体行业影响为正面。
从具体应用场景来看,欧洲半导体企业的AI落地已相当多元。ASML将AI用于计算光刻解决方案的精度与效率提升,STMicroelectronics则应用于缺陷分类与良率优化。

二 | 此外,23%的英国和德国科技硬件受访企业表示已部署制造设施数字孪生技术,供应商涵盖EDA领域的Cadence和Synopsys,旨在缩小仿真与现实之间的差距。
在人员结构调整方面,欧洲半导体企业的裁员尚处早期阶段。

三 |
ASML、Infineon和Aixtron均于2026年宣布裁员计划,但管理层并未将此直接归因于AI。相对明确的案例是ams OSRAM,该公司于2026年2月宣布计划在未来三年削减逾2000个岗位,明确将欧洲业务的AI自动化列为裁员理由之一,同时将部分劳动力向亚洲转移。
AI采用加速推动芯片订单持续扩张
摩根士丹利报告的核心逻辑在于:AI效率收益越显著,企业对AI基础设施的投入意愿就越强,进而形成对半导体需求的正向循环。

四 |
调查数据显示,全行业平均净生产率提升为9.6%,其中银行、软件等高强度AI采用行业的生产率增益尤为突出,这些行业的持续投入将直接转化为对算力的刚性需求。

五 |
从资本开支角度观察,摩根士丹利援引的数据显示,摩根大通2026年科技预算接近200亿美元,其中约23亿美元(占总投资预算的25%)直接用于AI投资。这一量级的企业级AI支出,最终将沿供应链传导至芯片设计、晶圆制造及半导体设备环节。
摩根士丹利分析师在报告中进一步指出,随着AI从生成式模型向智能体(Agentic AI)演进,CPU、半导体设备及存储器将成为关键受益方向。智能体AI的大规模部署对算力密度、推理效率及内存带宽提出更高要求,这意味着现有硬件架构面临新一轮迭代压力,也预示着下一个供给瓶颈正在形成。
能源、算力与供应链约束
尽管需求前景明朗,摩根士丹利的调查也揭示了制约AI硬件扩张的多重结构性障碍。
在软件行业受访者列出的未来12个月主要挑战中,"基础设施与能源约束(算力容量、电力可用性)"被明确提及,这一问题同样适用于为AI工作负载提供底层支撑的硬件供应商。
从供应链层面看,调查显示"遗留系统集成"和"数据准备度"是各行业AI部署的普遍痛点,这对需要将AI嵌入既有制造流程的硬件企业构成额外挑战。

六 | 与此同时,"AI技能短缺"在多个行业均位列前三大障碍,半导体行业高度依赖专业工程人才的特性使其在人才竞争中面临更大压力。
澳大利亚软件行业的观察提供了另一个维度的参照:随着AI采用向更广泛部署推进,对数据中心和算力基础设施的需求将显著增强,但资本密度和电力强度也将同步上升。这一判断对全球半导体及硬件投资者均具有直接参考价值——下一阶段的核心瓶颈,或许不在于芯片设计本身,而在于支撑大规模AI推理所需的能源供给与制造产能。
对投资者而言,摩根士丹利的调查结论提供了较为清晰的行业定位框架。科技硬件与半导体板块作为AI基础设施的核心供给方,受益于跨行业AI采用加速所带来的持续需求,其基本面逻辑相对稳固。
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Published on:16:26:05